Realism and Liberalism are both considered to be prominent theories in International Relations studies. They shaped debate among scholars worldwide. Whilst liberals held an assumption that security is best achieved through cooperation, realists argued differently. According to the suggestion on realism from Wendt (1992), ’each wants to survive and has certain material capabilities, but neither actor has biological or domestic imperatives for power, glory, or conquest (still bracketed), and there is no history of security or insecurity between the two’. This essentially means that anarchy puts states in a position of self-help in order to protect their own interests. Anarchy is the absence of central government who are responsible for the transnational level work.
On the contradictory, liberals commonly believe that all actors, include both domestic and international levels, are and should be equally important. In addition, they pose idea that
another key feature to be fully flourish involves ’freedom for the individual’ according to Jehangir (2012). Moreover, Kant (1784) suggested that ‘but the attitude of mind of the head of state who favours in the arts and sciences extends even further’. This refers to how liberals think towards freedom and to what extend it can further our vision. Additionally, liberals suggest that the stronger relationship among nations can translate to more chances of compromisation as well. Gaddis (1986) said ‘it has long been an assumption of classical liberalism that the more extensive the contacts that take place between nations, the greater are the chances for peace’.
However, realists might challenge their theoretical counterparts. They often held premise that
less developed countries in the global south need to find their own path towards economic
development. Blessner and Guilthot (2015) explained that ‘the émigré realists saw American political culture as a liability, and they believed that their experiences confronting Nazism and their witnessing the failures of 1930s liberal diplomacy provided them with evidence of liberalism's deficiencies that no one could challenge’. This demonstrates a criticism of liberalism particularly in 1930s that when many factors including misregulation of the financial sector along with Eastern European fear of what is known as an Islamic tsunami led to the inequality and hatred among liberals.
Realism and Liberalism are both considered to be prominent theories in International Relations studies. They shaped debate among scholars worldwide. Whilst liberals held an assumption that security is best achieved through cooperation, realists argued
differently
. According to the suggestion on realism from
Wendt
(1992), ’each wants to survive and has certain material capabilities,
but
neither actor has biological or domestic imperatives for power, glory, or conquest (
still
bracketed), and there is no history of security or insecurity between the two’. This
essentially
means that anarchy puts states in a position of self-
help
in order to protect their
own
interests. Anarchy is the absence of central
government
who are responsible for the transnational level work.
On the contradictory, liberals
commonly
believe that all actors, include both domestic and international levels, are and should be
equally
important
.
In addition
, they pose
idea
that
another
key feature to be
fully
flourish involves ’freedom for the individual’ according to
Jehangir
(2012).
Moreover
, Kant (1784) suggested that ‘
but
the attitude of mind of the head of state who
favours
in the arts and sciences extends even
further
’. This refers to how liberals
think
towards freedom and to what
extend
it can
further
our vision.
Additionally
, liberals suggest that the stronger relationship among nations can translate to more chances of
compromisation
as well
.
Gaddis
(1986) said ‘it has long been an assumption of classical liberalism that the more extensive the contacts that take place between nations, the greater are the chances for peace’.
However
, realists might challenge their theoretical counterparts. They
often
held premise
that
less
developed countries
in the global south need to find their
own
path towards economic
development.
Blessner
and
Guilthot
(2015)
explained
that ‘the émigré realists
saw
American political culture as a liability, and they believed that their experiences confronting Nazism and their witnessing the failures of 1930s
liberal
diplomacy provided them with evidence of liberalism's deficiencies that no one could challenge’. This demonstrates a criticism of liberalism
particularly
in 1930s
that when
many
factors including
misregulation
of the financial sector along with Eastern European fear of what
is known
as an Islamic tsunami led to the inequality and hatred among liberals.